The Supreme Court announced on Friday that
it would enter the national debate over same-sex marriage, agreeing to hear a
pair of cases challenging state and federal laws that define marriage to
include only unions of a man and a woman.
One of the cases, from California, could
establish or reject a constitutional right to same-sex marriage. The justices
could also rule on narrower grounds that would apply only to marriages in California.
The second case, from New York, challenges
a federal law that requires the federal government to deny benefits to gay and
lesbian couples married in states that allow such unions.
The court’s move comes against the backdrop
of a rapid shift in public attitudes about same-sex marriage, with recent polls
indicating that a majority of Americans support allowing such unions. After the
elections last month, the number of states authorizing same-sex marriage
increased by half, to nine.
The court’s docket is now crowded with
cases about the meaning of equality, with the new cases joining ones on
affirmative action in higher education and on the future of the Voting Rights
Act of 1965. Decisions in all of the cases are expected by June.
The new California case, Hollingsworth v.
Perry, No. 12-144, was filed in 2009 by Theodore B. Olson and David Boies, two
lawyers who were on opposite sides in the Supreme Court’s decision in Bush v.
Gore, which settled the 2000 presidential election. The suit argued that
California voters had violated the federal Constitution the previous year when
they overrode a decision of the state’s Supreme Court allowing same-sex
marriages.
A federal judge in San Francisco agreed,
issuing a broad decision that said the Constitution required the state to allow
same-sex couples to marry. The decision has been stayed.
A divided three-judge panel of the United
States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, also in San Francisco, affirmed
the decision. But the majority relied on narrower grounds that seemed
calculated to avoid Supreme Court review or, at least, attract the vote of the
presumed swing member of that court, Justice Anthony M. Kennedy.
Judge Stephen R. Reinhardt, writing for the
majority, relied heavily on a 1996 majority opinion from Justice Kennedy in
Romer v. Evans, which struck down a Colorado constitutional amendment that had
banned the passage of laws protecting gay men and lesbians. The voter
initiative in California, known as Proposition 8, had done something similar,
Judge Reinhardt wrote.
That reasoning, he added, meant that the
ruling was confined to California.
“We do not doubt the importance of the more general questions
presented to us concerning the rights of same-sex couples to marry, nor do we
doubt that these questions will likely be resolved in other states, and for the
nation as a whole, by other courts,” he wrote.
“For now,” he said, “it suffices to conclude that the people of
California may not, consistent with the federal Constitution, add to their
state Constitution a provision that has no more practical effect than to strip
gays and lesbians of their right to use the official designation that the state
and society give to committed relationships, thereby adversely affecting the
status and dignity of the members of a disfavored class.”
The Supreme Court has several options in
reviewing the decision. It could reverse it, leaving California’s ban on
same-sex marriage in place. It could affirm it on the narrower theory, which
would allow same-sex marriage in California but not require it elsewhere. Or it
could address the broader question of whether the Constitution requires states
to allow such marriages.
A plaintiff in the case, Kristin M. Perry,
said she hoped that the justices would answer yes to that last question. “There
is nothing more important,” she said, “than a state ridding itself of
discriminatory laws that hurt its citizens every day.”
Brian S. Brown, the president of the
National Organization for Marriage, said the court should address the broader
question but say no. “What’s at stake,” he said, “is whether the Constitution
demands a redefinition of marriage and whether states can even vote on this
issue.”
The second case the court agreed to hear,
United States v. Windsor, No. 12-307, challenges a part of the Defense of
Marriage Act of 1996. Section 3 of the law defines marriage as between only a
man and a woman for the purposes of more than 1,000 federal laws and programs.
(Another part of the law, not before the court, says that states need not
recognize same-sex marriages from other states.)
The case concerns two New York City women,
Edith Windsor and Thea Clara Spyer, who married in 2007 in Canada. Ms. Spyer
died in 2009, and Ms. Windsor inherited her property. The 1996 law did not
allow the Internal Revenue Service to treat Ms. Windsor as a surviving spouse,
and she faced a tax bill of about $360,000 that a spouse in an opposite-sex
marriage would not have had to pay.
Ms. Windsor sued, and in October the United
States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, in New York, struck down the
1996 law. The decision was the second from a federal appeals court to do so,
joining one in May from a court in Boston. The Windsor case made its way to the
Supreme Court unusually quickly because the parties had filed an appeal from
the trial court’s decision in the case, which also struck down the law, even
before the appeals court had ruled.
Ms. Windsor, 83, said she was “absolutely
thrilled” that the court had agreed to hear her case, adding, “I wish Thea was
here to see what is going on.”
There was reason to think that Justice
Elena Kagan was not free to hear an appeal from the Boston case because she had
worked on it or a related case as United States solicitor general. The current
solicitor general, Donald B. Verrilli Jr., gave the court a number of other
options, including Windsor, probably partly to make sure that a case of such
importance could be heard by a full nine-member court.
The Obama administration’s attitude toward
same-sex marriage and the 1996 law has shifted over time. Until last year, the
Justice Department defended the law in court, as it typically does for all acts
of Congress. In February 2011, though, Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.
announced that he and President Obama had concluded that the law was
unconstitutional and unworthy of defense in court, though he added that the
administration would continue to enforce the law.
In May of this year, Mr. Obama announced
his support for same-sex marriage.
After the Justice Department stepped aside,
House Republicans intervened to defend the law. They are represented by Paul D.
Clement, a solicitor general in the Bush administration.
The Windsor case is thus likely to feature
a rematch between Mr. Clement and Mr. Verrilli, who were antagonists this year
in the arguments over Mr. Obama’s health care law. The two cases are likely to
be argued in late March, about a year after the health care case was heard.
No comments:
Post a Comment