Clearly, the Romney campaign's anti-Obama
welfare ads have come at a cost. Given the way they have been condemned as
false by even mainstream media sources -- as Alec MacGillis pointed out
yesterday, Joe Scarborough has explained that he was "stunned" by the
ads' demonstrable falseness -- the Romney camp has forfeited any hope of
pivoting to the "high road" in response to future Obama attacks.
But judging from the Romney campaign's
relentless commitment to the welfare message (there have been multiple
iterations of the ad over the past several weeks), Boston seems to believe it's
working. Are they right? Certainly, the advertisements target the audience that
Romney needs -- namely, white working class voters. It's harder to say whether
the message will be as effective as they hope: It's been a long while since
welfare's traditional ability to dredge up deep resentments has been tested on
the national stage. Still, given the precariousness of Romney's position --
and, frankly, his willingness to push the envelope -- it's the smartest
tactical move he's made yet.
To win the presidency, Romney will need to
consolidate nearly all of the undecided, predominantly white working class
voters with reservations about Obama's performance. The problem is that the
Obama campaign has long possessed a strategy to block Romney's path to victory:
Depict Romney as an out-of-touch plutocrat bent on annihilating the middle
class. In contrast, Team Romney hasn't really crafted a specific messaging
strategy built to appeal to particular demographic groups. They've seemed to
believe that generic ads criticizing the president will be sufficient to
persuade voters with Obama reservations to join Romney's side. For the most
part, though, these ads haven't moved the needle, in part because the president
is already extremely well-known.
But the ads alleging that Obama dismantled
the welfare work requirement are different -- and potentially more effective.
For one, they're targeted to appeal directly to white working class voters, as
many others have pointed out. And unlike other attacks on Obama, the welfare
advertisement introduces new information that voters probably didn't know --
which can be more effective than other ads that simply stress facts that voters
already internalized. (Never mind that this information is new because it isn't
true.)
Since the Romney campaign has invested
heavily in these advertisements, we can assume that they test well in focus
groups. The reasons aren't surprising: The attacks play on a deep sense of
resentment with the benefits received by the "undeserving" poor. Some
polls point toward an uptick in anti-assistance sentiment since the recession.
According to relatively recent Rasmussen surveys, 71 percent say that too many
people get welfare and 47 percent of adults think the government spends too
much on poverty programs. Remember: These surveys were taken before the
overwhelming majority of Americans have heard the accusation that Obama has
gutted welfare reform. That skepticism about the deservingness of welfare
recipients will likely go through the roof when voters are told (again,
erroneously) that Obama scrapped the work requirement.
Prior to welfare reform, voters were wildly
dissatisfied with welfare, so we know that these arguments can turn welfare
into a politically toxic issue for Democrats, as it was prior to Clinton's
pledge to "end welfare as we know it." If Romney's ads produce
feelings anything like those that hampered Democrats in the '80s, Obama would
be in big trouble, as suggested by a Rasmussen poll showing 83 percent of
voters supporting welfare's work requirement.
But! Welfare has been off the national
radar for nearly two decades. Two decades! Even if an ad plays on powerful
underlying sentiments, is than enough to elevate an issue in the absence of
sustained media attention? The advertisements provide completely new
information to voters, so does that mean they have a larger impact because
they're telling voters something they didn't know, or is their force blunted by
the absence of external validation or sustained media coverage? The Obama
campaign is also airing a response ad contesting Romney's assertions, which
will likely lessen the force of Romney's attacks with Obama-leaning voters. On
balance, there's no question that Romney's welfare message is much less
powerful than it would be if it were accurate and consequently accompanied by
news coverage. But that doesn't preclude the possibility that it could still
make a bit of a splash.
The welfare advertisements represent a
marked shift in Romney's strategy. Rather than reinforcing existing perceptions
of Obama, the Romney campaign is trying to introduce new information about the
president to critical white working class voters. Realistically, Romney's
chances hinge more on building up his own image than bolstering Obama's
negatives, but if the Romney campaign just doesn't possess any tools to restore
their candidate's image, then an attack targeted at swing voters and drawing on
powerful underlying sentiments is probably their next best option. Whether
Romney's welfare angle works without sustained media attention remains to be
seen.
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